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From foe to friend: how Iran transformed post-war Iraq ties By Salam Faraj and Maya Gebeily Baghdad (AFP) Sept 20, 2020
In the four decades since Iran and Iraq went to war, Tehran has turned enmity into influence, seeing its allies installed in Baghdad's halls of power and becoming its top trading partner. It's a turn of events Aziz Jaber, a political science professor at Baghdad's Mustansariyah University and a survivor of the conflict, never thought possible. "It would have been hard to imagine at the time that this would happen -- that the parties linked to Iran would now hold the reins," Jaber told AFP. Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein invaded Iran on September 22, 1980, fearing the threat to his rule if Tehran's new clerical rulers tried to replicate their 1979 Islamic Revolution in neighbouring Iraq. Throughout the war, Iran offered safe haven to a range of anti-Saddam groups, from Kurdish figures to the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq and its military wing, the Badr Corps -- both founded in Iran in 1982. It nurtured those contacts up to the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 -- meaning it had closer, older ties than Washington did to Saddam's successors. In the 17 years since, Iran's ancient allies have cycled through Iraq's corridors of power. Of Iraq's six post-invasion prime ministers, three spent much of the 1980s in Tehran, including Ibrahim al-Jaafari, Nuri al-Maliki and Adel Abdel Mahdi, who resigned last year. Badr Corps officials still hold top positions in the security forces. Masrour and Nechirvan Barzani, whose families sought refuge from Saddam in Iran, are now respectively the prime minister and president of Iraq's Kurdish region. "Iran has cunning politicians," Jaber said. "It did not develop proxies solely for the purpose of war -- it has benefitted from them since they came to power until today." - Tehran's economic lung - In Iran, too, the war remains a powerful symbol: medics battling the novel coronavirus this year are likened to "martyrs" who lost their lives fighting Saddam's forces. The annual parade honouring the war's victims is often used to showcase new weapons including ballistic missiles, while veterans now occupy top military posts in Tehran. The relationship goes far beyond politics. While there was no bilateral trade under Saddam, Iranian goods were smuggled into Iraq through the porous 1,600-kilometre (995-mile) border during the 1990s, when Baghdad faced crippling sanctions. Following Saddam's toppling, normal trade could begin, said Esfandyar Batmanghelidj of Bourse & Bazaar, a news and analysis website supporting business diplomacy with Iran. "It's the natural order of affairs for two countries that border one another to engage in commerce. You can make a similar argument about Poland and Germany after the horrors of World War II," he told AFP. As Iraq sought to rebuild following the US-led invasion, cheap construction materials from Iran were an appealing choice. That trade expanded to include food, cars, medicine and now, even electricity imports. From apricots to painkillers, Iranian goods are sold across Iraq, at lower prices than domestic products. Iraq is the top destination for Iran's non-hydrocarbon goods, worth $9 billion between March 2019 and March 2020, according to Iran's chamber of commerce. In July, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani vowed to double that number. With Iran's economy increasingly strained by US sanctions since 2018, Tehran is relying on Iraq more and more as its economic lung. "Iranian companies are looking for somewhere full of consumers, as you can't grow your sales in Iran now because things are tough," said Batmanghelidj. - 'Handed to Iran' - Iran's ballooning sway in politics and economics has begun to irk Iraqis. "Iraqis in government today allowed Iran in. They handed over our country -- its economy, agriculture and security," said Mohammad Abdulamir, a 56-year-old veteran of the war. "I fought for five years, and was a prisoner of war in Iran for another 10 -- and in the end my country was handed over to Iran," he told AFP. His frustration is felt by many others and reached a head in October last year, when unprecedented protests broke out in Iraq's capital and south against a ruling class seen as corrupt, inept and subordinate to Tehran. Months later, a US drone strike on Baghdad killed top Iranian general Qasem Soleimani and senior Iraqi military commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis. Soleimani began his military career in the Iran-Iraq war, rising through the ranks to become Tehran's pointman on Iraq. Muhandis served on the same side, as part of Badr. Their absence slashed Iran's most important nodes of influence in Iraq. Then, in May, Iraq got a new premier. Mustafa al-Kadhemi and his advisers are seen as less Iran-leaning than their predecessors. But Tehran isn't panicking, said Chatham House analyst Renad Mansour, as the diverse network it planted early in its war with Iraq would help it weather the current storm. "Iran cultivated allies in formal political networks but also informal ones -- among militias, businesses, and so on -- to ensure that today's Iraq is one which knows Tehran, and which Tehran knows," Mansour told AFP. With less influence in the PM's office, Tehran has turned to allies in Iraq's parliament and ministries. Already, Mansour said, Iran is asking: "Where do we want Iraq in 50 years?"
Forty years since the Iran-Iraq war began One of the deadliest wars in the Middle East, it was rooted in a border dispute between the two oil producing nations. Five years earlier, in March 1975, a deal signed in Algiers between the Shah of Iran and Saddam Hussein -- then Iraq's vice president -- had tried to settle the argument. The Algiers accord ruled that their border ran along the centre of the Shatt al-Arab, a 200 kilometre (125 mile) long river formed by the meeting of the Tigris and the Euphrates, and that flows into the Gulf. But in April 1980, Baghdad accused Tehran -- now the Islamic Republic of Iran, after the 1979 toppling of the Shah -- of plotting attacks. Iraq called for the evacuation of three strategic islands in the Strait of Hormuz, claimed by both Iran and the United Arab Emirates. On September 17, Baghdad said the Algiers accord was null and void. It demanded all of the Shatt al-Arab. - Early Iraqi victories - On September 22, Saddam Hussein sent soldiers into Iran. His air force bombed airports -- including that of Iran's capital Tehran -- as well as military targets, and oil industry infrastructure. The oil refinery of Abadan, one of the biggest in Iran, was shut down. In the first weeks, Iraqi forces met little resistance. They seized the towns of Qasr-e Shirin and Mehran, and captured Iran's southwestern port of Khorramshahr, where the Shatt al-Arab meets the sea. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait swiftly offered support to Baghdad. Arab nations -- including the rich Gulf countries dominated by Sunni Muslim leaders -- gave billions of dollars to Iraq. They saw Saddam Hussein as a bulwark against the Islamic Revolution of Iran's Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a Shiite Muslim. Western countries, alarmed at the Iranian clerics who overthrew their old ally in Tehran, the Shah, sold weapons to Iraq. - Iran pushes back - In March 1982, Iran launched a major counter-attack in the southwestern oil province of Khuzestan, taking back its port of Khorramshahr. Baghdad announced a ceasefire and pulled back troops. But Tehran rejected the ceasefire. Iran continues the fight, bombarding the major Iraqi city of Basra, and in July, begins an offensive on the southern front. Iraq in August blockades the main oil terminal on Kharg Island, just off Iran's coast. From April 1984, the two sides engage in a "war of the cities". Some 30 cities on both sides are battered by missile attacks. - Gas attacks - In 1984, Iran accuses Iraq of using chemical weapons on its soldiers in battles in the marshes of Majnoon. The UN confirms the accusations. Baghdad strengthens its maritime blockade of Iran. Tehran responds by attacking oil tankers loading up at Gulf ports of Iraq's allies. In 1986, as Iraq launches raids on Kharg, Iran's army crosses the Shatt al-Arab and seizes the Faw Peninsula, in Iraq's south east. In June 1987, Iraq drops poison gas canisters on the Iranian town of Sardasht. In March 1988, Baghdad is again accused of using chemical weapons -- this time against its own population, in the Iraqi town of Halabja. The town was controlled by Kurdish fighters, backed by Iran. Some 5,000 were killed in Halabja by the gas attacks. - At least 650,000 killed - From April 1988, Iraq launches another offensive, taking back Faw, Majnoon and the southern region of Shalamsheh. Iran is pushed back across the Shatt al-Arab. On July 18, Ayatollah Khomeini accepts a UN Security Council resolution -- approved a year earlier and already accepted by Iraq -- to stop the fighting. "This decision was for me even more painful than taking poison, (but) I accepted that that was what God had decided," Ayatollah Khomeini said. While the exact number of those killed in the war is not known, at least 650,000 died, roughly two-thirds of them Iranians, according to French historian Pierre Razoux. A ceasefire is declared on August 20, 1988. However, it takes two more years before the Algiers accord is restored, in August 1990, for Baghdad to withdraw troops from Iran, and for an exchange of prisoners of war.
US will prevent Iran from getting Chinese, Russian arms: Pompeo Paris (AFP) Sept 15, 2020 US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo vowed Tuesday that Washington would prevent Iran from purchasing "Chinese tanks and Russian air defence systems" as the end to a UN arms embargo against Tehran approaches. While the European Union and United Nations disagreed with the US decision to withdraw from an international nuclear deal in 2018 and reimpose unilateral sanctions on Iran, Washington was acting to "keep the world safe," he told France Inter radio. "We are going to act in a way - and we have ... read more
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