While not openly supporting any one particular opposition group, Reza Pahlavi of Iran, the son of the late and the last shah to sit on the Peacock Throne, is hoping to revive the relevancy of Iran's imperial family. He personally would like to become more involved in Iranian politics, but he stresses, the choice must be that of the people of Iran.

Whether Iran remains a republic or becomes a constitutional monarchy should be left to the people to decide. Exactly what Pahlavi's role in a future Iran might be, he is not quite sure. One thing he is sure of, however, is he wants to remove the "yoke of the clerical regime," on his people.

One of the shortcomings of the Iranian opposition, the young shah correctly pointed out, is that the various parties remain too divided and are largely unknown, even to many Iranians. The exception is the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq, or the MeK, whose leaders Miriam and Massoud Rajavi are very publicity conscious. The rest of Iran's resistance leaders are practically never heard of.

Reza's father, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was forced to leave Iran in 1979 as the Islamic Revolution, propelled by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, broke out, placing the country under the control of the clergy. With the mullahs gaining ground, the monarchy was forced to flee. The shah died soon after his exile in Egypt, with brief stops in Panama and the United States. He was killed by cancer, but most probably also by a broken spirit longing for a country and a people he was forced to abandon.

Warning the world about Iran's desires to pursue its nuclear program, the young Pahlavi told United Press International that the West had basically a three-year window of opportunity before the Islamic republic acquired the nuclear bomb.

Like all totalitarian systems, the Islamic regime in Tehran needs to expand in order to survive.

As long as the Islamic republic remains in power, the Bush administration's project for democracy in the greater Middle East may falter. And any attack on Iran may actually pave the way for Iran's expansionism, believes the shah, who lives just outside Washington, in Northern Virginia.

The Middle East's "Bermuda Triangle" running "from Iraq to Lebanon to Palestine is being taken by Iran's allies through the ballot box," said Pahlavi. It could pull in the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and when it does the same to the Shiites of the oil-rich eastern province of Saudi Arabia, the encirclement of the Persian Gulf will be complete.

Islamists, said the young shah, "will have achieved what the Soviets could not, namely taking complete control of the Persian Gulf oil and the jugular of Western economies."

But far more worrisome, is what the shah said would come next... "They (the Islamists) would have a latter day Caliphate to lead all the forces that are against the post-Cold War vision of the free world."

Pahlavi believes that all the Islamic Republic needs in order to achieve its goal is to use low intensity violence to supplement its financial, the intelligence and organizational support for its allies. "That, ladies and gentlemen," said Pahlavi, "is why Iran needs the bomb."

For the free world, these are unacceptable outcomes, Pahlavi stated.

"The race against time is crucial," cautioned the shah. But he stressed that neither of the solutions currently on the table -- continued diplomatic pressures or a U.S. military strike -- are viable options.

"We can liberate Iran ourselves," the young shah told a receptive audience. Addressing the West, particularly the Europeans, he asked them to stop making deals with the clerics. Turning to Iranians in the audience, he pleaded, "let's move on. No more hiding behind masks."

Pahlavi criticized the "fruitless" EU-3 (Britain, Germany and France), complaining that it gave the theocrats in Tehran three years. "Another three years with the Russians under the IAEA buys them enough time to make a bomb."

A military strike, said the shah, will rally national sentiments, which will work to the regime's advantage, and consequently give the theocracy a much longer lease of life. "Make no mistakes about it; the question is what comes first in Iran: democracy or nuclear weapons? The race is on.

"I hope we can get rid of the regime before they get the bomb.

"Let me repeat: a military strike may delay the bomb by two or three years, but it will delay democracy several times over. It is not smart choice, and no way to win the race."

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