The major aerospace companies were directly involved in developing the U.S. Space Command's Long Range Plan and participated in meetings of the Space Commission. And while they have been influential political players ever since President Eisenhower warned of the "military-industrial complex" in his now-legendary 1961 speech, they appear to have unprecedented influence under the Bush administration, as pointed out by author Karl Grossman in an article in April's CovertAction Quarterly.

Vice President Dick Cheney, Grossman noted, is a former board member of Cleveland-based TRW, and his wife, Lynne Cheney, served on the board of Lockheed Martin. Bruce Jackson, Lockheed Martin's vice president of corporate strategy, served as chairman of the Foreign Policy Platform Committee at the 2000 Republican National Convention. And recently, Bush nominated Peter Teets, a former Lockheed Martin top executive, to serve as undersecretary of the Air Force, with direct responsibility for all space-related matters.

Estes himself does consulting work for the aerospace industry and serves on the board of SpaceDev Inc., which has some small contracts with the military for microsat developments.

He maintains, however, that he has no personal interest at stake because he charges clients a flat fee and doesn't get paid based on what contracts they land. He lobbies politicians to support military activity in space, but not as a corporate pitchman, he says.

"My integrity just won't let me do that," he said. "I'm doing this because I'm worried about the country."

At Peterson in Colorado Springs, the presence of the corporations is evident. Los Angeles--based Northrop Grumman Corp. has erected a billboard near the entrance to the base, and TRW and Boeing, which recently relocated its headquarters to Chicago, carry large advertisements in the Space Observer, a base newspaper.

The industry has also poured money into congressional campaign coffers. The Center for Responsive Politics reports that Allard, who sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee, received $24,500 from defense contractors in his 1996 bid for the Senate, with contributors including Northrop Grumman, as well as the Bethesda, Md.--based Lockheed Martin, Hartford, Conn.--based United Technologies Corp., Cleveland-based TRW and Lexington, Mass.--based Raytheon.

In addition, Rep. Joel Hefley, R-Colo., who serves on the House Armed Services Committee, received $17,500 from defense contractors during his 2000 re-election bid, with donors including Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, TRW, Raytheon and Boeing.

Hefley did not respond to requests for an interview for this story. Allard, meanwhile, maintains the corporations have not influenced his positions with their contributions. "In fact, I'm not sure they gave me much," he said in a recent interview.

Gagnon scoffs at the suggestion that campaign contributions don't make a difference.

"The evidence, we all know, is everywhere," he said. "I always think about Eisenhower's warning to us, that he was telling us to watch out for this -- 'these guys are gaining unwarranted influence in the halls of Congress.' And now it's come to be true. It's sort of a bloodless coup d'�tat."

Pyramids to the heavens
Gagnon claims that the long-range goal of the military-industrial complex is to keep funneling tax money for defense purposes. Space warfare, he maintains, will be the industry's new cash cow and will replace nuclear weapons, which have become obsolete since the end of the Cold War.

And, the cost to taxpayers will be staggering. Gagnon estimates the government has already spent $100 billion on the as-yet technologically unproven missile defense system [since Star Wars in the mid 1980s]. Developing the space-based laser program is estimated to cost another $30 billion.

Politicians are unlikely to raise taxes to pay for the programs, so they'll go after the only other money available -- funding for programs such Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and education, Gagnon predicts.

"The aerospace corporations are the new pharaohs of our age, building these pyramids to the heavens," he said. "And we, the taxpayers, will be the slaves."

Critics say that the waste is even greater considering that missile defense, the key military space program being pitched to the public, is unlikely to actually work. Most tests on the system have failed, and in those tests where the Pentagon claimed success, the parameters were so narrow they didn't take into account the unpredictable factors in a real-life attack, critics contend.

Chart from a successful test held in early December 2001

However, Star Wars boosters claim critics are missing the point -- and that each test brings the military one step closer to developing a functional program.

"Granted, the test parameters were very fine," Estes conceded. "But the fact is, we've proven we can hit a bullet with a bullet."

Estes also rejects the notion that Sept. 11 proves the military is "looking in the wrong places to plug holes," as Sulzman asserts. With new anti-terrorism efforts under way, "it's going to be much more difficult for terrorists to get in and tap us," he said. "So they're going to do it from without."

Classified reports on nuclear proliferation show that the need for missile defense remains great, Estes says. If the public knew the real threat, "they would want that system up and running tomorrow."

Allard, likewise, says his belief in missile defense is strengthened.

"Sept. 11 ought to make us understand that they [terrorists] are looking for where our vulnerabilities are," Allard said. "And one of our vulnerabilities is that we are not able to defend ourselves against an intercontinental ballistic missile."

Estes concedes that the missile-defense program has cost "an astronomical amount." But the reason has been a past lack of commitment from Washington. "Had we had bipartisan support to go build a basic system, we could have had one 10 years ago," he maintained.

But Smith, of the Center for Defense Information, doubts that any degree of commitment or amount of money can buy the kind of security that missile-defense proponents are promising the American people.

"If we put enough money in and enough time, we will get a system which works most of the time," he said. "That begs the question of, How good is good enough? If you're talking about trying and intercepting a nuclear warhead on a missile, you've got to be aiming for more than 80 percent or 90 percent, or even 95 percent. Because one nuclear warhead would just be devastation."

Expansion at Peterson
For now, the proponents of military activity in space are in the driver's seat. After George W. Bush took office, he installed Rumsfeld as Secretary of Defense, and chose Estes' successor at Space Command, Gen. Richard Myers, as his chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

"It really indicates the ascendancy of space as the preeminent military strategy," Gagnon said.

This fall, Rumsfeld ordered that his commission's recommendations, which includes consolidation of responsibilities at Air Force Space Command, to be implemented. In October, the Space and Missile Systems Center in Los Angeles, which had been in charge of procurement for military space programs, came under the authority of Air Force Space Command in Colorado Springs.

Other organizational changes will also give Space Command greater decision-making powers. Until now, a single four-star general -- currently Ralph Eberhart -- has served as commander-in-chief of NORAD, the Air Force Space Command and the U.S. Space Command.

The U.S. Space Command coordinates the use of Air Force, Army and Naval space forces, but under the new structure, Air Force Space Command will have its own four-star general who will report directly to the undersecretary of the Air Force.

Space Command at Peterson AFB Colorado Springs

Expansion efforts are already under way, with new buildings already going up at Peterson. Next to the Air Force Space Command headquarters, a separate building for the commander of NORAD and U.S. Space Command is rising.

Another separate military entity, the Army Space Command, is also constructing its own facility on the site, and a plot of land has been set aside for a future Navy Space Command building.

Estes credits Rep. Hefley as a "key player" in supporting the consolidation at Peterson. Other local boosters have also supported the Space Commission's recommendations and their implications for the Springs, including the Colorado Springs Economic Development Corporation and the Space Foundation.

"One of the things that's interesting about the renewed emphasis given to space by Rumsfeld and his folks is that both the technology and military pieces of that equation will benefit the Springs," Pulham said. Now, 55 aerospace corporations -- most of which do work for the military -- are either headquartered or have branches here, employing more than 7,000 people locally.

A new arms race
Just as the space program was revving up, however, the events of Sept. 11 hit. While the Pentagon hasn't lost its enthusiasm for space, terrorism and the war in Afghanistan have naturally shifted priorities for the U.S. military.

Opinions vary as to the long-term effect on public attitudes. Sulzman sees Sept. 11 as a temporary setback for his efforts to educate people about the militarization of space.

Prior to the attacks, some momentum was building against the program, he says. Various peace organizations were joining the fight, and growing anti-globalization protests were raising the question of whether the United States should dominate the world.

And while the mainstream media has largely avoided discussing the military's space plans beyond missile defense, the New York Times Magazine ended the blackout with an article in August, titled "The Coming Space War." The article led Sen. Robert Byrd, D-W.Va., to deliver a speech before Congress on Sept. 26 calling for greater openness about the military's intentions.

The military's plans, Byrd said, threaten to trigger a new arms race. "It should concern us, and it should be debated by the people and the people's representatives," he declared.

"As it stands now, the U.S. military is moving ahead on a trajectory that is both costly and one that carries with it a kind of philosophical imperialism with dangerous ramifications."

In October, Gagnon's Global Network sponsored an international day of protest against militarization of space, with demonstrations in Colorado Springs and 114 other locations in 19 countries. Rallies in London and Berlin drew tens of thousands of people.

"I think, for what I call the 'muddled middle' across America, they do now have something in their mind, a picture of how Star Wars won't work," Gagnon said.

Rather than trying to compete with the deep-pocketed aerospace industry in winning the hearts and minds of politicians, the Global Network is focusing on educating and mobilizing the masses. "People are listening harder than I've ever seen them, everywhere," Gagnon said. "The word is getting out."

Back to part one of this special report

This article was originally published in the Dec 13,2001 issue of the Colorado Springs Independent, and is republished here on SpaceWar with permission. All rights reserved. � 2001 Colorado Springs Independent.

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Bush Pursues US Military Revolution
Charleston (AFP) Dec 11, 2001
President George W. Bush Tuesday called the war on terrorism the "military and moral necessity of our time" and said victory requires a "revolution" in how US forces operate.

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